Synopsis[ edit ] The Communist Manifesto is divided into a preamble and four sections, the last of these a short conclusion.
Synopsis[ edit ] The Communist Manifesto is divided into a preamble and four sections, the last of these a short conclusion. The introduction begins by proclaiming "A spectre is haunting Europe—the spectre of communism.
All the powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre". Pointing out that parties everywhere—including those in government and those in the opposition—have flung the "branding reproach of communism" at each other, the authors infer from this that the powers-that-be acknowledge communism to be a power in itself.
Subsequently, the introduction exhorts Communists to openly publish their views and aims, to "meet this nursery tale of the spectre of communism with a manifesto of the party itself".
The first section of the Manifesto, "Bourgeois and Proletarians", elucidates the materialist conception of historythat "the history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles".
Societies have always taken the form of an oppressed majority exploited under the yoke of an oppressive minority. In capitalismthe industrial working classor proletariatengage in class struggle against the owners of the means of productionthe bourgeoisie.
As before, this struggle will end in a revolution that restructures society, or the "common ruin of the contending classes". The bourgeoisie, through the "constant revolutionising of production [and] uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions" have emerged as the supreme class in society, displacing all the old powers of feudalism.
The bourgeoisie constantly exploits the proletariat for its labour powercreating profit for themselves and accumulating capital. However, in doing so, the bourgeoisie serves as "its own grave-diggers"; the proletariat inevitably will become conscious of their own potential and rise to power through revolution, overthrowing the bourgeoisie.
The communists' party will not oppose other working-class parties, but unlike them, it will express the general will and defend the common interests of the world's proletariat as a whole, independent of all nationalities. The section goes on to defend communism from various objections, including claims that it advocates " free love " or disincentivises people from working.
The section ends by outlining a set of short-term demands—among them a progressive income tax ; abolition of inheritances and private property ; abolition of child labour ; free public education ; nationalisation of the means of transport and communication; centralisation of credit via a national bank; expansion of publicly owned etc.
The third section, "Socialist and Communist Literature", distinguishes communism from other socialist doctrines prevalent at the time—these being broadly categorised as Reactionary Socialism; Conservative or Bourgeois Socialism ; and Critical-Utopian Socialism and Communism.
While the degree of reproach toward rival perspectives varies, all are dismissed for advocating reformism and failing to recognise the pre-eminent revolutionary role of the working class. It ends by declaring an alliance with the social democratsboldly supporting other communist revolutions, and calling for united international proletarian action— Working Men of All Countries, Unite!
Writing[ edit ] Only surviving page from the first draft of the Manifesto, handwritten by Marx In spring Marx and Engels joined the League of the Justwho were quickly convinced by the duo's ideas of "critical communism". At its First Congress in 2—9 June, the League tasked Engels with drafting a "profession of faith", but such a document was later deemed inappropriate for an open, non-confrontational organisation.
Engels nevertheless wrote the "Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith", detailing the League's programme.
A few months later, in October, Engels arrived at the League's Paris branch to find that Moses Hess had written an inadequate manifesto for the group, now called the League of Communists. In Hess's absence, Engels severely criticised this manifesto, and convinced the rest of the League to entrust him with drafting a new one.
This became the draft Principles of Communismdescribed as "less of a credo and more of an exam paper. Over the next ten days, intense debate raged between League functionaries; Marx eventually dominated the others and, overcoming "stiff and prolonged opposition",  in Harold Laski 's words, secured a majority for his programme.
The League thus unanimously adopted a far more combative resolution than that at the First Congress in June. Marx especially and Engels were subsequently commissioned to draw up a manifesto for the League. Upon returning to Brussels, Marx engaged in "ceaseless procrastination", according to his biographer Francis Wheen.
Following this, he even spent a week 17—26 January in Ghent to establish a branch of the Democratic Association there.
Subsequently, having not heard from Marx for nearly two months, the Central Committee of the Communist League sent him an ultimatum on 24 or 26 January, demanding he submit the completed manuscript by 1 February.
This imposition spurred Marx on, who struggled to work without a deadline, and he seems to have rushed to finish the job in time.Summary The Communist Manifesto reflects an attempt to explain the goals of Communism, as well as the theory underlying this movement. It argues that class struggles, or the exploitation of one class by another, are the motivating force behind all historical developments.
The Communist Manifesto, published in , is the single document most responsible for launching the often-feared political philosophy of communism. It straight up tells you to revolt against the rich, and it tells you why you should.
The Communist Manifesto was published in Marx claims his analysis of class struggle explained "all hitherto existing society" (Section)—in other words, all history up to and including Term Paper II An analysis and critique of Marx and Engels' The Communist Manifesto Samuel S.
Cummings PHIL (T/R, – ) December Samuel S.
Summary The Communist Manifesto reflects an attempt to explain the goals of Communism, as well as the theory underlying this movement. It argues that class struggles, or the exploitation of one class by another, are the motivating force behind all historical developments. Chapter 1 Summary: Bourgeois and Proletarians. The Communist Manifesto begins with Marx's famous generalization that "the history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles" (79). Marx describes these classes in terms of binary oppositions, with one party as . Chapter 1 Summary: Bourgeois and Proletarians. The Communist Manifesto begins with Marx's famous generalization that "the history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles" (79). Marx describes these classes in terms of binary oppositions, with one party as oppressor, the other as oppressed.
Cummings PHIL E. H. Dority December Analysis of Excerpts of Text The Communist Manifesto is a historically well known paper, originally. LitCharts assigns a color and icon to each theme in The Communist Manifesto, which you can use to track the themes throughout the work.
Howard, James. "The Communist Manifesto Introduction." LitCharts. LitCharts LLC, 20 Oct Web. 9 Nov . Introduction and Section 1, Bourgeois and Proletarians (Part 1) Summary The Manifesto begins by announcing, "A spectre is haunting Europe--the spectre of Communism." All of the European powers have allied themselves against Communism, frequently demonizing its .