Paris — P.
When the news reached Paris the next day, shocked and angry crowds came out into the streets. Though the Emperor and the French Army had been defeated at Sedan, the war continued. The German army marched swiftly toward Paris. Demographics[ edit ] In France was deeply divided between the large rural, Catholic and conservative population of the French countryside and the more republican and radical cities of Paris, Marseille, Lyon and a few others.
In the first round of the parliamentary elections held under the French Empire, 4, had voted for the Bonapartist candidates supporting Napoleon III, while 3, had voted for the republican opposition.
In Paris, however, the republican candidates dominated, winningvotes against 77, for the Bonapartists. Only about 40, were employed in factories and large enterprises; most were employed in small industries in textiles, furniture and construction.
There were alsoservants and 45, concierges. In addition to the native French population, there were aboutimmigrant workers and political refugees, the largest number being from Italy and Poland. Many Parisians, especially workers and the lower-middle classes, supported a democratic republic.
In earlyParisian employers of bronze-workers attempted to de-unionise their workers. This was defeated by a strike organised by the International.
Later inan illegal public demonstration in Paris was answered by the legal dissolution of its executive committee and the leadership being fined. The International had considerable influence even among unaffiliated French workers, particularly in Paris and the big towns.
A coup was attempted in earlybut tensions eased significantly after the plebiscite in May. Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. Paris is the traditional home of French radical movements. Revolutionaries had gone into the streets to oppose their governments during the popular uprisings of July and Juneand on many other occasions.
Of the radical and revolutionary groups in Paris at the time of the Commune, the most conservative were the "radical republicans". This group included the young doctor and future prime minister Georges Clemenceauwho was a member of the National Assembly and Mayor of the 18th arrondissement.
Clemenceau tried to negotiate a compromise between the Commune and the government, but neither side trusted him; he was considered extremely radical by the provincial deputies of rural France, but too moderate by the leaders of the Commune.
The most extreme revolutionaries in Paris were the followers of Louis Auguste Blanquia charismatic professional revolutionary who had spent most of his adult life in prison. He had about a thousand followers, many of them armed and organized into cells of ten persons each.
Each cell operated independently and was unaware of the members of the other groups, communicating only with their leaders by code. Blanqui had written a manual on revolution, Instructions for an Armed Uprisingto give guidance to his followers.
Though their numbers were small, the Blanquists provided many of the most disciplined soldiers and several of the senior leaders of the Commune. The regulars were thus supported by around 5, firemen, 3, gendarmes, and 15, sailors. These included twenty battalions of men from Brittanywho spoke little French.
They also had very little training or experience. They were organised by neighbourhoods; those from the upper- and middle-class arrondissements tended to support the national government, while those from the working-class neighbourhoods were far more radical and politicised.
Guardsmen from many units were known for their lack of discipline; some units refused to wear uniforms, often refused to obey orders without discussing them, and demanded the right to elect their own officers.
The members of the National Guard from working-class neighbourhoods became the main armed force of the Commune. As the Germans surrounded the city, radical groups saw that the Government of National Defence had few soldiers to defend itself, and launched the first demonstrations against it.
On 19 September, National Guard units from the main working-class neighbourhoods—Belleville, Menilmontant, La Villette, Montrouge, the Faubourg Saint-Antoineand the Faubourg du Temple—marched to the centre of the city and demanded that a new government, a Commune, be elected.
They were met by regular army units loyal to the Government of National Defence, and the demonstrators eventually dispersed peacefully. On 5 October, 5, protesters marched from Belleville to the Hotel de Ville, demanding immediate municipal elections and rifles.
Later in October, General Louis Jules Trochu launched a series of armed attacks to break the German siege, with heavy losses and no success. The telegraph line connecting Paris with the rest of France had been cut by the Germans on 27 September. On 28 October, the news arrived in Paris that thesoldiers of the French army at Metz, which had been surrounded by the Germans since August, had surrendered.
The news arrived the same day of the failure of another attempt by the French army to break the siege of Paris at Bourget, with heavy losses. Two days later, municipal councils in each of the twenty arrondissements of Paris voted to elect mayors; five councils elected radical opposition candidates, including Delescluze and a young Montmartrean doctor, Georges Clemenceau.
He reported to the Government that there was no alternative to negotiating an armistice. He travelled to German-occupied Tours and met with Bismarck on 1 November.Paris Commune, the Dreyfus Affair, the two World Wars, and May ) together with with longer-term developments including the emergence and dissolution of the French empire, scientific and technological change, secularization, evolving gender and social.
Marx and Engels,” his evaluation of postwar politics with reference to the Paris Commune suggests that he shared their analysis of the most important proletarian upsurge of the previous century.
After the French surrender he watched from afar the suppression of the Paris Commune. General Staff [ edit ] In he passed in the highly competitive entrance examination for admission to the Kriegsakademie in Berlin  After three years study his grades were .
The Commune, Paris Published: in Solidarity, I, 6 (May ). Written jointly with Philippe Guillaume. Talès explains that the story of the Commune is the story of the failure of a radical-anarchist-petty-bourgeois leadership!
The distance separating this evaluation of the role of the Commune and that of Trotsky who saw the. Why did the Paris Commune fail? Why did the Paris Commune fail? (lausannecongress2018.comtorians) submitted 5 years ago by Generalimsso. Was it because of the Prussians?
Or the strategies and policies of the Commune? What are the Marxist points of view on that? 3 comments; share; save; hide.
report; all . May 11, · It was the Paris Commune of that put the Marxist program and the various reformist programs to the test with a bloody ruling class vengeance.  The lessons of .